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Monday, February 23, 2009 - Posts

  • Dream(sheep++): A developer's introduction to Google Android

    companion photo for Dream(sheep++): A developer's introduction to Google Android

    Do androids dream of electric penguins?

    In the decade since its founding in a Palo Alto garage, the name "Google" has become practically synonymous with the Internet. Thus it was that the search company's celebrated entry into the mobile market was met with significant enthusiasm from those who believed that Google would be able to use its immense resources and Internet savvy to produce a next-generation mobile product that would deliver "the cloud," in its vast entirety, into the eager hands of consumers. Some of the biggest names in the tech industry flocked to Google's banner and affirmed their support for the Open Handset Alliance, which promised to liberate the mobile masses by building a blooming garden without walls.

    After the fanfare faded, we ended up with Android-a platform that launched with some limitations but nonetheless has significant potential. Although the first Android devices leave a lot to be desired when compared to competing products, the platform itself is evolving quickly, and it offers the advantages of openness and collaborative development. In this article we'll take a close look at the underlying technology of Android and what the platform means for developers.

    Click here to read the rest of this article

  • Road Map for Financial Recovery: Radical Transparency Now!

    On the morning of March 29, 1933, dozens of reporters filed into the Oval Office for a press conference with the new president. Franklin Roosevelt had taken office earlier that month amid the greatest economic crisis the US had seen: 5,700 banks had failed, 25 percent of the country was unemployed, and more than half of all mortgages were in default.

    Hope for a recovery was dim; the public had lost faith in the entire financial system. The number of American investors had exploded, from a few hundred thousand before 1916 to more than 16 million. Yet few of them understood the investments they held, many of which had proven to be junk. Supposedly sound companies were exposed as pyramid schemes. Of the $50 billion in securities sold in the previous decade, half had become worthless.

    And yet, as reporters huddled around his desk, Roosevelt sounded confident. "I have something on the Securities Bill today," he announced. That day, members of his brain trust were on Capitol Hill, submitting a plan that would spark the creation of the Securities and Exchange Commission. One overriding concept lay at the center of the legislation: transparency. Louis Brandeis, before becoming a Supreme Court justice, had written an exposé of the financial system for Harper's Weekly, and one passage in particular had lodged in Roosevelt's brain: "Sunlight is said to be the best of disinfectants. Electric lights the most efficient policeman." The proposed bill would require, for the first time, companies to file detailed accounts of their financial health and activity, and bankers would have to report their fees and commissions. As Roosevelt explained it to the reporters around him, the bill "applies the new doctrine of caveat vendor in place of the old doctrine of caveat emptor. In other words, 'Let the seller beware as well as the buyer.' In other words, there is a definite, positive burden on the seller for the first time to tell the truth."

    Now, here we are again, 76 years later, facing another crisis of trust that threatens the entire financial system. This time, the issue is no longer a lack of transparency. Since the 1933 Securities Bill, corporate America has been required to disclose a deluge of information in a multitude of ways—10-Ks and 10-Qs, earnings calls and Sarbanes-Oxley-mandated 404s. Between 1996 and 2005 alone, the federal government issued more than 30 major rules requiring new financial disclosure protocols, and the data has piled up. The SEC's public document database, Edgar, now catalogs 200 gigabytes of filings each year—roughly 15 million pages of text—up from 35 gigabytes a decade ago.

    But the volume of data obscures more than it reveals; financial reporting has become so transparent as to be invisible. Answering what should be simple questions—how secure is my cash account? How much of my bank's capital is tied up in risky debt obligations?—often seems to require a legal degree, as well as countless hours to dig through thousands of pages of documents. Undoubtedly, the warning signs of our current crisis—and the next one!—lie somewhere in all those filings, but good luck finding them.

    Even the regulators can't keep up. A Senate study in 2002 found that the SEC had managed to fully review just 16 percent of the nearly 15,000 annual reports that companies submitted in the previous fiscal year; the recently disgraced Enron hadn't been reviewed in a decade. We shouldn't be surprised. While the SEC is staffed by a relatively small group of poorly compensated financial cops, Wall Street bankers get paid millions to create new and ever more complicated investment products. By the time regulators get a handle on one investment class, a slew of new ones have been created. "This is a cycle that goes on and on—and will continue to get repeated," says Peter Wysocki, a professor at the MIT Sloan School of Management. "You can't just make new regulations about the next innovation in financial misreporting."

    That's why it's not enough to simply give the SEC—or any of its sister regulators—more authority; we need to rethink our entire philosophy of regulation. Instead of assigning oversight responsibility to a finite group of bureaucrats, we should enable every investor to act as a citizen-regulator. We should tap into the massive parallel processing power of people around the world by giving everyone the tools to track, analyze, and publicize financial machinations. The result would be a wave of decentralized innovation that can keep pace with Wall Street and allow the market to regulate itself—naturally punishing companies and investments that don't measure up—more efficiently than the regulators ever could.

    The revolution will be powered by data, which should be unshackled from the pages of regulatory filings and made more flexible and useful. We must require public companies and all financial firms to report more granular data online—and in real time, not just quarterly—uniformly tagged and exportable into any spreadsheet, database, widget, or Web page. The era of sunlight has to give way to the era of pixelization; only when we give everyone the tools to see each point of data will the picture become clear. Just as epidemiologists crunch massive data sets to predict disease outbreaks, so will investors parse the trove of publicly available financial information to foresee the next economic disasters and opportunities.

    The time to act is now. An exhaustive study by the Transparency Policy Project at Harvard University's John F. Kennedy School of Government—analyzing disclosure rules for everything from restaurant cleanliness to SUV rollover risk—found that there's a very brief window after any calamity for government to institute changes. (Wait too long and the special interests start regaining their confidence and pushing back.) In the financial world, the old order is still trying to find its new shape. So the window is, briefly, cracked. Caveat vendor.

    Philip Moyer, CEO of Edgar Online, says data is the key to spotting crises before they start.
    Photo: Angela Cappetta


    Philip Moyer, CEO of Edgar Online, walks into his conference room in midtown Manhattan a half hour late, clutching an inch-thick stack of copy paper. He's a broad-shouldered guy with dark brown hair pushed back from his forehead, as if a fan is constantly blowing directly onto his face. He slams the paper down theatrically: "One reason I'm a little bit delayed is that I started printing out a Bear Stearns free writing prospectus," he says. "The assets cover 462 pages. I got about 70 pages through."

    Every bank that issues mortgage-backed securities—pools of home loans packaged together and sold as a single entity—is required to file a free writing prospectus, which lists every individual mortgage in each pool. An FWP contains endless columns of pure data, most of which don't even track from page to page. And each FWP is different: The banks have no uniform information that they're required to present in their filing. Even when they do report the same data, they do so using entirely different language. And yet somewhere among all this impenetrable code lie the bugs that destroyed the American economy.

    Illustration: David A. Johnson

    Numbers Don't Lie

    Dan diBartolomeo head of a Boston financial analysis firm, spotted Bernard Madoff's $50 billion scam. Here's what he sees coming next. —Daniel Roth

    Wired: In 1999, you were hired by a money manager to reverse-engineer Madoff's investment strategy. When did you realize something was amiss?

    Dan diBartolomeo: All we had were the monthly returns that Madoff reported to investors. We spent a couple of hours on mathematical analysis, playing around with regressions and spreadsheets, and concluded that the results couldn't have come from the strategy he described.

    Wired: Did you immediately think fraud?

    diBartolomeo: It was possible that he was using some other strategy he wasn't disclosing. But to get returns like that, he would have needed to be three or four times more skillful than the next-best manager. He also could have been using a strategy that gave him an illegal edge. That would have accounted for the returns being high, but not steady. The third possibility was that the numbers were just made up. And that's what I reported.

    Wired: Do you think your degree in applied physics means you look at the market differently?

    diBartolomeo: One of the things you learn in engineering is to be rigorous. If you build a bridge that falls down on a windy day, there's going to be hell to pay. Financial markets are not like that; they are very noisy. It's hard to tell who's skillful and who's just lucky. And a lot of analyses are done in extremely haphazard, primitive ways, but the investing public doesn't know any better.

    Wired: Did your formulas predict last year's market collapse?

    diBartolomeo: We weren't surprised. Back in 1998, we looked at how ratings agencies were handling collateralized loan securities. They did a crap job. The math of this stuff is complex, and they took a lot of shortcuts in an effort to make it more understandable.

    Wired: Have you spotted any problems elsewhere?

    diBartolomeo: Today, a lot of pension funds have lost a lot of money. Actuaries evaluate them by taking future payouts—the money that will actually go to retirees—and discounting them by a single interest rate. It doesn't matter if they have to pay the money out in three weeks or 30 years. But if you look at financial markets, the interest rate you get on a three-month CD is different from what you get on a 30-year bond. It leads pension funds to take on more risk than they can afford.

    Wired: So could better math have prevented the market crisis?

    diBartolomeo: People are investing in complex securities they don't understand. The big failures aren't data failures; they aren't issues of "We don't know." They're issues of "We don't want to make the effort to be rigorous."

    Moyer discovered this in the spring of 2007, when two hedge fund managers independently asked for his help in making sense of some major banks' FWPs. Poring through all that paperwork by hand would take countless hours, and they wanted Moyer to extract and package the data in a way they could easily understand. Moyer, a former Microsoft executive, assigned four engineers to categorize and standardize the FWPs' contents—creating a Rosetta stone that could translate the 600 unique, inconsistent fields into 100 uniform categories. Three months later, he started delivering spreadsheets that clearly spelled out the risks in each of the pools, giving the financiers the ability to evaluate every aspect of the loans: location, proof of income, interest rate, appraisal value, and so on. They could drill down and compare the FWPs in a way that would have been nearly impossible before. And what they saw was a nationwide crisis in the making—as adjustable-rate mortgage rates ballooned, countless home-owners would default on their loans, rending the securities built on them worthless.

    Of course, the hedge-funders didn't publicize their findings; they were seeking an informational edge. But imagine if everyone had access to the same data-crunching tools: Risky mortgage-backed securities would have been exposed, and banks, anxious to protect their reputations, would have stopped offering them. With complete information—including much more frequent posting of loan status—the market would likely have self-regulated as risk-fearing investors fled from companies holding or issuing the risky securities.

    That's the kind of scenario that has kept Charlie Hoffman motivated for the past decade. A 50-year-old accountant from Tacoma, Washington, Hoffman is the originator of XBRL, a set of tags that standardizes financial information. Hoffman stumbled on the idea while trying to figure out a way to automate the tedious auditing process. ("Basically, I'm lazy," he says.) But while Moyer's team was forced to create complicated algorithms to codify kludgy financial documents after they were filed, Hoffman is agitating for companies to file their data in a standardized format from the very start. Today, nearly 50 companies report their information in XBRL to the SEC, but Hoffman says the protocol's real power will be realized only when every company starts using it—to keep track of their own operations as well as to report their numbers to investors and regulators. If all businesses are required to tag their every move, from each iPhone sold by Apple to every interest payment made by Exxon, they won't be able to engage in the kind of balance-sheet chicanery that kept Enron's investors in the dark. "Financial reporting should work the way that an iPod works," Hoffman says. "It should just be elegant and simple."

    A few years ago, when banking regulators started requiring filings in XBRL from its member banks, it found that the time it took auditors to review a bank's quarterly financial information dropped from about 70 days to two. More regulators are catching on: Last December, the SEC announced that by June, every company with a market capitalization over $5 billion will be required to submit all filings using the format. And all publicly traded companies and mutual funds must follow suit by 2011. The result, Hoffman says, is that every investor will soon have the same ability as Moyer's hedge fund managers to export, manipulate, and mash up financial data. "Look how blogs changed news reporting," he says. "Anybody is a reporter. With XBRL, anyone can be an analyst."

    Transparency Now!

    A Wired Manifesto

    Set the data free

    Today, public companies and financial institutions disclose their activities in endless documents stuffed with figures and stats. Instead, they should be forced to file using universal tags that make the data easy to explore.

    Empower all investors

    Once every company's data carries identical tags, anyone can manipulate the numbers to compare performance. And they can see details of every financial instrument—not just balance sheets and income statements.

    Create an army of citizen-regulators

    By giving everyone access to every piece of data—and making it easy to crunch—we can crowdsource regulation, creating a self-correcting financial system and unlocking new ways of measuring the market's health.



    But the government is just playing footsie with the kind of reform that's needed. If future financial crises are to be avoided, XBRL shouldn't be limited to public companies. It should become the lingua franca of every investment bank, hedge fund, pension fund, insurance company, and endowment fund. Today these groups contribute to a multitrillion-dollar shadow banking system of lightly (or not-at-all) regulated financial instruments that move markets and tend to bring outsize riches—until they blow up. Take collateralized debt obligations. These are mortgage-backed securities blended with other assets—say, auto loans or credit card debt—into one asset-backed pie, sliced up according to risk and sold as an investment. It is impossible to track any one loan in a CDO; when it is combined and divided with other loans, it loses its independent identity. When the ratings agencies tried to determine default risks for CDOs, all they saw were vaguely defined pools of assets. They had little idea what was in them, and their models—like David X. Li's ubiquitous copula function (see Recipe for Disaster: The Formula That Killed Wall Street)—would prove inadequate at evaluating them.

    But if those mortgages and loans carried XBRL tags, and everybody who touched them along the way was required to use those tags as well, anyone would have been able to track their circuitous route through the financial industry and judge each CDO based on its actual content. They could have seen which loans were in default and which weren't, which CDO was overweight on Las Vegas real estate and which was in the relatively safe Louisville market. An amateur risk assessor could have separated the junk assets from those worth keeping and either bet against the companies holding the garbage, blogged about it, alerted the Feds—or all of the above. (The very act of disclosure may compel companies to behave better in the first place: When Los Angeles started requiring restaurants to post their hygiene grades in their windows, average cleanliness increased by 5 percent and revenues by 3 percent.)

    Tracking Wall Street's complex inventions may be difficult for regulators, but it's a snap given the right software. "I did a lot of work in clinical trials information when I was at Microsoft," says Moyer, who is a big believer in XBRL. "And if you look at the numbers that are involved in genomics, proteomics, and cell-level sequencing, those problems dwarf what we're dealing with here. It's a simple computer problem."

    When data is kept under lock and key, as mysterious as a temple secret, only the priests can read and interpret it. But place it in the public domain and suddenly it takes on new life. People start playing with the information, reaching strange new conclusions or raising questions that no one else would think to ask. It is impossible to predict who will become obsessed with the data or why—but someone will.

    Last fall, Kevin Bartz was seeking information about the mortgage business. Bartz, a PhD student in statistics at Harvard who had worked for Google, Microsoft, and Yahoo, was earning extra money doing consulting work for a mortgage broker in Pasadena, California. The company wanted to pool some of its mortgages and find buyers for the debt. But selling the securities required being able to explain how these assets had performed in the past. Bartz found that most of the information he needed was locked up in proprietary databases. There was no way to know basic information about the loans his employer wanted to hawk—where they had originated, whether they had been paid on time, whether they had defaulted. He was struck by the lack of transparency and broadened his project: Discover a way to assess credit risk and beat the banks at their own game.

    His research led him to LendingClub, a Web site that matches individual lenders with borrowers who need loans. Like other peer-to-peer lending companies, LendingClub asks borrowers to provide personal details—education, employment history, salary—and to write essays explaining why they want a loan and how they plan to pay it back. LendingClub runs its own credit checks, sorts borrowers by default risk, and comes up with interest rates. But LendingClub is unique in that it makes nearly all that information public (aside from data that could lead to privacy concerns), giving lenders the ability to sort through its database. It also tracks and publishes the history of every loan it helps broker.

    Bartz downloaded the database of 4,600 loans—every essay, every neighborhood, every late payment—and started searching for patterns. He identified the 300 most common words in borrowers' essays and correlated them with payment histories. Sure enough, certain words seemed linked to late payments. Among the red flags: need, bills, and business. "Those were all words that reflected that the borrower might be in financial difficulty at the moment," Bartz says. Another one was also, which Bartz theorizes meant that the loan was being used for more than one purpose.

    Bartz wasn't the only one poking around in the pixels. Besides providing the data on its customers, LendingClub posted to its Web site the formula it uses to measure default risk and determine the interest rates its borrowers had to pay. Most banks keep this information secret—a perfectly honed algorithm can give them a competitive advantage—but LendingClub open-sourced it and asked readers to submit their own tweaks and improvements. After receiving a slew of suggestions, the site's engineers decided to modify the equation, assigning less weight to debt-to-income ratio, for instance. Other LendingClub lenders downloaded the equation and came up with their own proprietary improvements, devising a better formula so they could cherry-pick borrowers who were wrongly categorized as risky and charge them higher interest rates without worrying about defaults. All this innovation benefited not just individual lenders but the entire ecosystem. LendingClub's default rate is a staggeringly low 2.7 percent (versus nearly 5.5 percent for prime credit cards).

    Charlie Hoffman says his XBRL markup language can make financial reporting "elegant and simple."
    Photo: Sian Kennedy

    If the financial markets were as open as LendingClub, they would reap similar benefits; the combined efforts and innovation of all investors would make the system as a whole more secure. Tim Bray, an inventor of XML who has been an advocate for XBRL reporting standards, points to political blogger Nate Silver as a helpful model of a citizen-analyst. During the 2008 presidential election, Silver, a baseball statistics whiz, pored over polling data to come up with his own—almost always dead-on—analysis of House, Senate, and presidential races. He was an outsider who manipulated huge quantities of data, allowing him to come to conclusions that had escaped the professional political analysts.

    Financial data, says Bray, now director of Web technologies at Sun Microsystems, should draw in the same kind of passionate people who had previously been passive investors. "People care about money," he says. "There's money in money and substantial personal upside to someone who can mine the data and uncover the truth."

    The early January light streams through the slanted glass roof of SEC headquarters in Washington, DC, warming the cold marble that covers nearly every surface. Christopher Cox is in his office on the 10th floor, sitting at a glass-topped conference table. He is in a pensive mood. In just one week, he will step down from his post as head of the SEC, a position he has held for three and a half years. Almost everyone sees his tenure as a failure.

    Cox came into office proclaiming his intention to protect investors. But he came to realize that the tools he had been given were no longer sufficient. The SEC was great at forcing companies to share financial details, but not so good at figuring out what to do with them. "The SEC was founded on the legal concept of disclosure and transparency," he says. "It was not a technological concept." He flashes a politician's smile, a quick display of blindingly white teeth—cover while he thinks about what comes next. "Today, we have technology that was unimaginable in the early part of the 20th century, that can reify this idea in ways that are far more expansive and consequential."

    As Cox sees it, that massive computational power has primarily been used by financial engineers, who create abstract models of how the market should operate and make bets based on those models. "You know Borges, the writer?" Cox asks. "He wrote those fantastical short stories. He has one called On Exactitude in Science." The parable tells of a kingdom obsessed with creating a perfect map of itself—an essentially useless quest that leads them to draw a map that is the same size as the territory it is supposed to represent. Cox sees the story as a metaphor for the modern financial industry, which is so obsessed with modeling the market that it has lost sight of the data beneath those models. But make more data available and you don't need the perfect map. "To the extent that we can atomize what now are these hopelessly complex forms, dense with legalese, and let people have ready means to pull from actual reality what it is that they need, it's no longer a model. It's real."

    Cox is now gone and a new team of regulators are walking the marble floors in DC. The old financial system is still in shambles. But a new one will emerge and, like the last, will need to be protected from its own worst instincts. Keeping the rest of us safe can no longer fall to government regulators alone. But if we enable a system in which everyone is a regulator, there just might be enough eyes, enough checks and balances, enough promising DIY economists out there to make sure the financial world doesn't innovate the real world into depression ever again. Brandeis argued that electric lights were the best police force. Now it's time to give everyone a flashlight.

    Senior writer Daniel Roth (daniel_roth@wired.com) profiled Comcast chief Brian Roberts in issue 17.02.

    Tracking Wall Street's complex schemes may be hard for regulators, but with access to data and the right software, it's a snap.

    photograph by Angela Cappetta ILLUSTRATION by David A. Johnson PHOTOGRAPH by previous spread: HTML:

    The financial world doesn't need new regulations. It needs radical transparency. Make companies report results in easy to understand, easy to crunch numbers—and let investors do the rest.

    -->

  • Recipe for Disaster: The Formula That Killed Wall Street

    A year ago, it was hardly unthinkable that a math wizard like David X. Li might someday earn a Nobel Prize. After all, financial economists—even Wall Street quants—have received the Nobel in economics before, and Li's work on measuring risk has had more impact, more quickly, than previous Nobel Prize-winning contributions to the field. Today, though, as dazed bankers, politicians, regulators, and investors survey the wreckage of the biggest financial meltdown since the Great Depression, Li is probably thankful he still has a job in finance at all. Not that his achievement should be dismissed. He took a notoriously tough nut—determining correlation, or how seemingly disparate events are related—and cracked it wide open with a simple and elegant mathematical formula, one that would become ubiquitous in finance worldwide.

    For five years, Li's formula, known as a Gaussian copula function, looked like an unambiguously positive breakthrough, a piece of financial technology that allowed hugely complex risks to be modeled with more ease and accuracy than ever before. With his brilliant spark of mathematical legerdemain, Li made it possible for traders to sell vast quantities of new securities, expanding financial markets to unimaginable levels.

    His method was adopted by everybody from bond investors and Wall Street banks to ratings agencies and regulators. And it became so deeply entrenched—and was making people so much money—that warnings about its limitations were largely ignored.

    Then the model fell apart. Cracks started appearing early on, when financial markets began behaving in ways that users of Li's formula hadn't expected. The cracks became full-fledged canyons in 2008—when ruptures in the financial system's foundation swallowed up trillions of dollars and put the survival of the global banking system in serious peril.

    David X. Li, it's safe to say, won't be getting that Nobel anytime soon. One result of the collapse has been the end of financial economics as something to be celebrated rather than feared. And Li's Gaussian copula formula will go down in history as instrumental in causing the unfathomable losses that brought the world financial system to its knees.

    How could one formula pack such a devastating punch? The answer lies in the bond market, the multitrillion-dollar system that allows pension funds, insurance companies, and hedge funds to lend trillions of dollars to companies, countries, and home buyers.

    A bond, of course, is just an IOU, a promise to pay back money with interest by certain dates. If a company—say, IBM—borrows money by issuing a bond, investors will look very closely over its accounts to make sure it has the wherewithal to repay them. The higher the perceived risk—and there's always some risk—the higher the interest rate the bond must carry.

    Bond investors are very comfortable with the concept of probability. If there's a 1 percent chance of default but they get an extra two percentage points in interest, they're ahead of the game overall—like a casino, which is happy to lose big sums every so often in return for profits most of the time.

    Bond investors also invest in pools of hundreds or even thousands of mortgages. The potential sums involved are staggering: Americans now owe more than $11 trillion on their homes. But mortgage pools are messier than most bonds. There's no guaranteed interest rate, since the amount of money homeowners collectively pay back every month is a function of how many have refinanced and how many have defaulted. There's certainly no fixed maturity date: Money shows up in irregular chunks as people pay down their mortgages at unpredictable times—for instance, when they decide to sell their house. And most problematic, there's no easy way to assign a single probability to the chance of default.

    Wall Street solved many of these problems through a process called tranching, which divides a pool and allows for the creation of safe bonds with a risk-free triple-A credit rating. Investors in the first tranche, or slice, are first in line to be paid off. Those next in line might get only a double-A credit rating on their tranche of bonds but will be able to charge a higher interest rate for bearing the slightly higher chance of default. And so on.

    "...correlation is charlatanism"
    Photo: AP photo/Richard Drew

    The reason that ratings agencies and investors felt so safe with the triple-A tranches was that they believed there was no way hundreds of homeowners would all default on their loans at the same time. One person might lose his job, another might fall ill. But those are individual calamities that don't affect the mortgage pool much as a whole: Everybody else is still making their payments on time.

    But not all calamities are individual, and tranching still hadn't solved all the problems of mortgage-pool risk. Some things, like falling house prices, affect a large number of people at once. If home values in your neighborhood decline and you lose some of your equity, there's a good chance your neighbors will lose theirs as well. If, as a result, you default on your mortgage, there's a higher probability they will default, too. That's called correlation—the degree to which one variable moves in line with another—and measuring it is an important part of determining how risky mortgage bonds are.

    Investors like risk, as long as they can price it. What they hate is uncertainty—not knowing how big the risk is. As a result, bond investors and mortgage lenders desperately want to be able to measure, model, and price correlation. Before quantitative models came along, the only time investors were comfortable putting their money in mortgage pools was when there was no risk whatsoever—in other words, when the bonds were guaranteed implicitly by the federal government through Fannie Mae or Freddie Mac.

    Yet during the '90s, as global markets expanded, there were trillions of new dollars waiting to be put to use lending to borrowers around the world—not just mortgage seekers but also corporations and car buyers and anybody running a balance on their credit card—if only investors could put a number on the correlations between them. The problem is excruciatingly hard, especially when you're talking about thousands of moving parts. Whoever solved it would earn the eternal gratitude of Wall Street and quite possibly the attention of the Nobel committee as well.

    To understand the mathematics of correlation better, consider something simple, like a kid in an elementary school: Let's call her Alice. The probability that her parents will get divorced this year is about 5 percent, the risk of her getting head lice is about 5 percent, the chance of her seeing a teacher slip on a banana peel is about 5 percent, and the likelihood of her winning the class spelling bee is about 5 percent. If investors were trading securities based on the chances of those things happening only to Alice, they would all trade at more or less the same price.

    But something important happens when we start looking at two kids rather than one—not just Alice but also the girl she sits next to, Britney. If Britney's parents get divorced, what are the chances that Alice's parents will get divorced, too? Still about 5 percent: The correlation there is close to zero. But if Britney gets head lice, the chance that Alice will get head lice is much higher, about 50 percent—which means the correlation is probably up in the 0.5 range. If Britney sees a teacher slip on a banana peel, what is the chance that Alice will see it, too? Very high indeed, since they sit next to each other: It could be as much as 95 percent, which means the correlation is close to 1. And if Britney wins the class spelling bee, the chance of Alice winning it is zero, which means the correlation is negative: -1.

    If investors were trading securities based on the chances of these things happening to both Alice and Britney, the prices would be all over the place, because the correlations vary so much.

    But it's a very inexact science. Just measuring those initial 5 percent probabilities involves collecting lots of disparate data points and subjecting them to all manner of statistical and error analysis. Trying to assess the conditional probabilities—the chance that Alice will get head lice if Britney gets head lice—is an order of magnitude harder, since those data points are much rarer. As a result of the scarcity of historical data, the errors there are likely to be much greater.

    In the world of mortgages, it's harder still. What is the chance that any given home will decline in value? You can look at the past history of housing prices to give you an idea, but surely the nation's macroeconomic situation also plays an important role. And what is the chance that if a home in one state falls in value, a similar home in another state will fall in value as well?


    Here's what killed your 401(k)   David X. Li's Gaussian copula function as first published in 2000. Investors exploited it as a quick—and fatally flawed—way to assess risk. A shorter version appears on this month's cover of Wired.

    Probability

    Specifically, this is a joint default probability—the likelihood that any two members of the pool (A and B) will both default. It's what investors are looking for, and the rest of the formula provides the answer.

    Survival times

    The amount of time between now and when A and B can be expected to default. Li took the idea from a concept in actuarial science that charts what happens to someone's life expectancy when their spouse dies.

    Equality

    A dangerously precise concept, since it leaves no room for error. Clean equations help both quants and their managers forget that the real world contains a surprising amount of uncertainty, fuzziness, and precariousness.

    Copula

    This couples (hence the Latinate term copula) the individual probabilities associated with A and B to come up with a single number. Errors here massively increase the risk of the whole equation blowing up.

    Distribution functions

    The probabilities of how long A and B are likely to survive. Since these are not certainties, they can be dangerous: Small miscalculations may leave you facing much more risk than the formula indicates.

    Gamma

    The all-powerful correlation parameter, which reduces correlation to a single constant—something that should be highly improbable, if not impossible. This is the magic number that made Li's copula function irresistible.



    Enter Li, a star mathematician who grew up in rural China in the 1960s. He excelled in school and eventually got a master's degree in economics from Nankai University before leaving the country to get an MBA from Laval University in Quebec. That was followed by two more degrees: a master's in actuarial science and a PhD in statistics, both from Ontario's University of Waterloo. In 1997 he landed at Canadian Imperial Bank of Commerce, where his financial career began in earnest; he later moved to Barclays Capital and by 2004 was charged with rebuilding its quantitative analytics team.

    Li's trajectory is typical of the quant era, which began in the mid-1980s. Academia could never compete with the enormous salaries that banks and hedge funds were offering. At the same time, legions of math and physics PhDs were required to create, price, and arbitrage Wall Street's ever more complex investment structures.

    In 2000, while working at JPMorgan Chase, Li published a paper in The Journal of Fixed Income titled "On Default Correlation: A Copula Function Approach." (In statistics, a copula is used to couple the behavior of two or more variables.) Using some relatively simple math—by Wall Street standards, anyway—Li came up with an ingenious way to model default correlation without even looking at historical default data. Instead, he used market data about the prices of instruments known as credit default swaps.

    If you're an investor, you have a choice these days: You can either lend directly to borrowers or sell investors credit default swaps, insurance against those same borrowers defaulting. Either way, you get a regular income stream—interest payments or insurance payments—and either way, if the borrower defaults, you lose a lot of money. The returns on both strategies are nearly identical, but because an unlimited number of credit default swaps can be sold against each borrower, the supply of swaps isn't constrained the way the supply of bonds is, so the CDS market managed to grow extremely rapidly. Though credit default swaps were relatively new when Li's paper came out, they soon became a bigger and more liquid market than the bonds on which they were based.

    When the price of a credit default swap goes up, that indicates that default risk has risen. Li's breakthrough was that instead of waiting to assemble enough historical data about actual defaults, which are rare in the real world, he used historical prices from the CDS market. It's hard to build a historical model to predict Alice's or Britney's behavior, but anybody could see whether the price of credit default swaps on Britney tended to move in the same direction as that on Alice. If it did, then there was a strong correlation between Alice's and Britney's default risks, as priced by the market. Li wrote a model that used price rather than real-world default data as a shortcut (making an implicit assumption that financial markets in general, and CDS markets in particular, can price default risk correctly).

    It was a brilliant simplification of an intractable problem. And Li didn't just radically dumb down the difficulty of working out correlations; he decided not to even bother trying to map and calculate all the nearly infinite relationships between the various loans that made up a pool. What happens when the number of pool members increases or when you mix negative correlations with positive ones? Never mind all that, he said. The only thing that matters is the final correlation number—one clean, simple, all-sufficient figure that sums up everything.

    The effect on the securitization market was electric. Armed with Li's formula, Wall Street's quants saw a new world of possibilities. And the first thing they did was start creating a huge number of brand-new triple-A securities. Using Li's copula approach meant that ratings agencies like Moody's—or anybody wanting to model the risk of a tranche—no longer needed to puzzle over the underlying securities. All they needed was that correlation number, and out would come a rating telling them how safe or risky the tranche was.

    As a result, just about anything could be bundled and turned into a triple-A bond—corporate bonds, bank loans, mortgage-backed securities, whatever you liked. The consequent pools were often known as collateralized debt obligations, or CDOs. You could tranche that pool and create a triple-A security even if none of the components were themselves triple-A. You could even take lower-rated tranches of other CDOs, put them in a pool, and tranche them—an instrument known as a CDO-squared, which at that point was so far removed from any actual underlying bond or loan or mortgage that no one really had a clue what it included. But it didn't matter. All you needed was Li's copula function.

    The CDS and CDO markets grew together, feeding on each other. At the end of 2001, there was $920 billion in credit default swaps outstanding. By the end of 2007, that number had skyrocketed to more than $62 trillion. The CDO market, which stood at $275 billion in 2000, grew to $4.7 trillion by 2006.

    At the heart of it all was Li's formula. When you talk to market participants, they use words like beautiful, simple, and, most commonly, tractable. It could be applied anywhere, for anything, and was quickly adopted not only by banks packaging new bonds but also by traders and hedge funds dreaming up complex trades between those bonds.

    "The corporate CDO world relied almost exclusively on this copula-based correlation model," says Darrell Duffie, a Stanford University finance professor who served on Moody's Academic Advisory Research Committee. The Gaussian copula soon became such a universally accepted part of the world's financial vocabulary that brokers started quoting prices for bond tranches based on their correlations. "Correlation trading has spread through the psyche of the financial markets like a highly infectious thought virus," wrote derivatives guru Janet Tavakoli in 2006.

    The damage was foreseeable and, in fact, foreseen. In 1998, before Li had even invented his copula function, Paul Wilmott wrote that "the correlations between financial quantities are notoriously unstable." Wilmott, a quantitative-finance consultant and lecturer, argued that no theory should be built on such unpredictable parameters. And he wasn't alone. During the boom years, everybody could reel off reasons why the Gaussian copula function wasn't perfect. Li's approach made no allowance for unpredictability: It assumed that correlation was a constant rather than something mercurial. Investment banks would regularly phone Stanford's Duffie and ask him to come in and talk to them about exactly what Li's copula was. Every time, he would warn them that it was not suitable for use in risk management or valuation.

    David X. Li
    Illustration: David A. Johnson

    In hindsight, ignoring those warnings looks foolhardy. But at the time, it was easy. Banks dismissed them, partly because the managers empowered to apply the brakes didn't understand the arguments between various arms of the quant universe. Besides, they were making too much money to stop.

    In finance, you can never reduce risk outright; you can only try to set up a market in which people who don't want risk sell it to those who do. But in the CDO market, people used the Gaussian copula model to convince themselves they didn't have any risk at all, when in fact they just didn't have any risk 99 percent of the time. The other 1 percent of the time they blew up. Those explosions may have been rare, but they could destroy all previous gains, and then some.

    Li's copula function was used to price hundreds of billions of dollars' worth of CDOs filled with mortgages. And because the copula function used CDS prices to calculate correlation, it was forced to confine itself to looking at the period of time when those credit default swaps had been in existence: less than a decade, a period when house prices soared. Naturally, default correlations were very low in those years. But when the mortgage boom ended abruptly and home values started falling across the country, correlations soared.

    Bankers securitizing mortgages knew that their models were highly sensitive to house-price appreciation. If it ever turned negative on a national scale, a lot of bonds that had been rated triple-A, or risk-free, by copula-powered computer models would blow up. But no one was willing to stop the creation of CDOs, and the big investment banks happily kept on building more, drawing their correlation data from a period when real estate only went up.

    "Everyone was pinning their hopes on house prices continuing to rise," says Kai Gilkes of the credit research firm CreditSights, who spent 10 years working at ratings agencies. "When they stopped rising, pretty much everyone was caught on the wrong side, because the sensitivity to house prices was huge. And there was just no getting around it. Why didn't rating agencies build in some cushion for this sensitivity to a house-price-depreciation scenario? Because if they had, they would have never rated a single mortgage-backed CDO."

    Bankers should have noted that very small changes in their underlying assumptions could result in very large changes in the correlation number. They also should have noticed that the results they were seeing were much less volatile than they should have been—which implied that the risk was being moved elsewhere. Where had the risk gone?

    They didn't know, or didn't ask. One reason was that the outputs came from "black box" computer models and were hard to subject to a commonsense smell test. Another was that the quants, who should have been more aware of the copula's weaknesses, weren't the ones making the big asset-allocation decisions. Their managers, who made the actual calls, lacked the math skills to understand what the models were doing or how they worked. They could, however, understand something as simple as a single correlation number. That was the problem.

    "The relationship between two assets can never be captured by a single scalar quantity," Wilmott says. For instance, consider the share prices of two sneaker manufacturers: When the market for sneakers is growing, both companies do well and the correlation between them is high. But when one company gets a lot of celebrity endorsements and starts stealing market share from the other, the stock prices diverge and the correlation between them turns negative. And when the nation morphs into a land of flip-flop-wearing couch potatoes, both companies decline and the correlation becomes positive again. It's impossible to sum up such a history in one correlation number, but CDOs were invariably sold on the premise that correlation was more of a constant than a variable.

    No one knew all of this better than David X. Li: "Very few people understand the essence of the model," he told The Wall Street Journal way back in fall 2005.

    "Li can't be blamed," says Gilkes of CreditSights. After all, he just invented the model. Instead, we should blame the bankers who misinterpreted it. And even then, the real danger was created not because any given trader adopted it but because every trader did. In financial markets, everybody doing the same thing is the classic recipe for a bubble and inevitable bust.

    Nassim Nicholas Taleb, hedge fund manager and author of The Black Swan, is particularly harsh when it comes to the copula. "People got very excited about the Gaussian copula because of its mathematical elegance, but the thing never worked," he says. "Co-association between securities is not measurable using correlation," because past history can never prepare you for that one day when everything goes south. "Anything that relies on correlation is charlatanism."

    Li has been notably absent from the current debate over the causes of the crash. In fact, he is no longer even in the US. Last year, he moved to Beijing to head up the risk-management department of China International Capital Corporation. In a recent conversation, he seemed reluctant to discuss his paper and said he couldn't talk without permission from the PR department. In response to a subsequent request, CICC's press office sent an email saying that Li was no longer doing the kind of work he did in his previous job and, therefore, would not be speaking to the media.

    In the world of finance, too many quants see only the numbers before them and forget about the concrete reality the figures are supposed to represent. They think they can model just a few years' worth of data and come up with probabilities for things that may happen only once every 10,000 years. Then people invest on the basis of those probabilities, without stopping to wonder whether the numbers make any sense at all.

    As Li himself said of his own model: "The most dangerous part is when people believe everything coming out of it."

    Felix Salmon (felix@felixsalmon.com) writes the Market Movers financial blog at Portfolio.com.

    David A. Johnson previous spread: jim krantz/gallery stock; left: ap photo/richard drew HTML:

    david x. li

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